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After five administrations and 26 years the price the United States paid for what will have to pass as a wondered how the U. would chose a side when the Turks and Kurds went to war both armed with American weapons, it appears the U. could care less about what either does over the disputed borderlands they both crave. In 2017, Iran has no enemies on either major border (Afghanistan, to the east, thanks again to the United States, is unlikely to reconstitute as a national-level threat in anyone’s lifetime) and Iraq is now somewhere between a vassal state and a neutered puppet of Tehran. will do at keeping things in line, and the long term effects of so many disparate, heavily-armed groups rocketing around greater Mesopotamia, will need to be seen. In addition, Israel is likely to near-demand the United States garrison parts of western Iraq as a buffer against expanding Iranian power, and to keep Jordan from overreacting to the increased Iranian influence. It has little to gain from a fight over some desert real estate that it would probably lose to the Americans anyway, when their prize is the rest of Iraq. Empire In the longer view, the Iraq Wars will be seen as a turning point in the American Empire.
About their rivals in Saudi Arabia, again there is only good news for Iran. put a lot of weapons on to the battlefield and a reckoning is feared. They began in 1991 as a war for oil, the battle to keep the pipelines in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia open to the United States’ hungry mouth.
The hi-tech magic of drone kills, video game death dispensed from thousands of miles away?
) Our atrocities — Abu Ghraib is the best known, but there are more — were ritualistically labeled the work of a few bad apples (“This is not who we are as Americans.”) Meanwhile, the other side’s atrocities were evil genius, fanaticism, campaigns of horror.
The media would play along, happily adopting neutral terms like “regime change” to replace naughty ones like “overthrow.” Americans were trained by movies and NFL halftime salutes to accept a steady but agreeably low rate of casualties on our side, heroes all, and be hardened to the point of uncaring about the of souls taken as “collateral damage” from the other.
Everyone we kill is a terrorist, the proof being that we killed them.
Iraq War 3.0, Made in America, Fought in Iraq Who now remembers President Obama declaring pseudo-victory in Iraq in 2011, praising American troops for coming home with their “”?
More insidiously, killing became mechanical, nearly sterile from our point of view (remember the war porn images of missiles blasting through windows in Iraq War 1.0?That government had been installed by Iran out of the mess of the 2010 elections the U. held in hopes of legitimizing its tail-tucked exit from Iraq. abandoned the Kurds and their desire for a homeland, and stood back while Saddam crushed a Shia uprising the U. had helped provoke, internal Iraqi affairs were just too messy to be of lasting concern; that was one of the big takeaways from Iraq War 2.0 and all that failed nation building.The Sunnis were vulnerable because the American Surge of 2008 had betrayed them, coercing the tribes into ratting out al Qaeda with the promise of a role in governing a new Iraq that never happened once the Iranian-backed Shia Prime Minister al-Maliki took power. Obama’s, and now Trump’s, Iraq War 3.0 strategy was medieval, brutal in its simplicity: kill people until there was literally no Islamic State left inside Iraq. Do what we’re good at, killing, and then walk away.Others might point to the 2006 bombing of the al-Askari Golden Mosque, which drove the next decade of Sunni-Shia fighting.
The American military insists they had a chance right up through the Surge in 2008, the State Department imagines it almost turned the corner with in 2010, and Republican revisionists prefer to mark the last chance to fix things as the day before Obama’s decision to withdraw American combat troops in 2011.
Play a loud noise long enough and you stop hearing it.